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    EL VALOR COGNITIVO DE LAS METÁFORAS

    Jaime Nubiola*
    Universidad de Navarra, España
    jnubiola@unav.es



    Publicado en P. Pérez-Ilzarbe y R. Lázaro, eds., Verdad, bien y belleza. Cuando los filósofos hablan de los valores, Cuadernos de Anuario Filosófico n° 103, Pamplona, 2000, pp. 73-84.

    1. Introducción

    Aunque la tradición filosófica general -y la corriente analítica en particular- ha insistido en el nulo valor cognitivo de la metáfora, en su valor meramente decorativo o retórico, es ya un lugar común entre los estudiosos de esta área de investigación el destacar que la bibliografía de las últimas décadas sobre la metáfora resulta realmente oceánica. En la bibliografía anotada de Warren Shibles publicada en 1971 se listaban ya unas 4000 referencias de publicaciones sobre la metáfora, y en los dos volúmenes posteriores de Van Noppen y Hols correspondientes a los años 1970-85 y 1985-90 se compilan otras 7000 referencias bibliográficas más. Como señaló Ignacio Bosque con acierto, una de las causas de esta explosión bibliográfica es el carácter interdisciplinar que tiene el estudio de la metáfora.

    La expresión que acabo de emplear, "explosión bibliográfica", o mejor, la anterior de "una bibliografía oceánica" son, sin duda, ejemplos típicos de metáforas. Esta última refleja bien la posibilidad real que el investigador tiene de perderse con su barquichuela en la inmensidad del mar abierto ante la multiplicidad de enfoques y la enorme cantidad de valiosas referencias acerca de la metáfora. Pero me parece que quizá puede ayudar más a entender lo que en esta exposicion quiero decir, el hacer notar la otra metáfora acuática que he empleado y que fácilmente podría pasar inadvertida.

    Me refiero a la expresión "corriente analítica": Ninguna de las acepciones que refiere el Diccionario de la Real Academia: "Movimiento de traslación continuado de una masa de materia fluida, como el agua o el aire, en una dirección determinada" da cuenta de ese uso relativamente común en filosofía, en arte, en las humanidades en general, para referirnos a las diversas tradiciones de pensamiento. Puede decirse que se trata de una "metáfora fósil" (a lo que los lingüistas llaman "catacresis") como lo son ya "corriente eléctrica" o "luna de miel" o muchas frases hechas, pero puede considerarse también que "corriente" es una manera conceptualmente significativa de entender una tradición de pensamiento, es decir, que hablar de una tradición como una corriente confiere un sentido al flujo, las aceleraciones, los meandros, ofrece todo un mapa imaginativo para entender qué sea una tradición de pensamiento.

    Frente al tradicional desprecio filosófico hacia la metáfora, estos ejemplos sugieren más bien su carácter ubicuo, su carácter pervasivo, dicho en castellano sencillo, la metáfora está por todos lados. Esto ha llevado a algunos a afirmar la primacía de la metáfora -por encima o por debajo, tanto da- de todos los significados literales. Esto se encuentra rotundamente afirmado en Nietzsche con su famosa declaración en Sobre verdad y mentira en sentido extramoral:

    ¿Qué es entonces la verdad? Un tropel de metáforas, metonimias, antropomorfismos, en resumidas cuentas, una suma de relaciones humanas (...) las verdades son ilusiones de las que se ha olvidado que lo son; metáforas que se han gastado y han quedado sin fuerza, monedas que han perdido su troquel y no se las considera ya como monedas sino simplemente como metal (Nietzsche 1980, 11).

    La primacía de la metáfora sobre la literalidad se encuentra también en cierto sentido en Gadamer o en Ricoeur. En esa dirección, he querido centrar mi atención en la propuesta del lingüista norteamericano George Lakoff que revolucionó este campo de investigación con su libro Metaphors We Live By de 1980, escrito en colaboración con el filósofo Mark Johnson. Este libro no ha dejado de suscitar entusiasmo, aprecio y discusión desde su aparición hace ya 19 años. Hace unos pocos meses acaban de publicar un libro mucho más grueso, Philosophy in the Flesh, que tiene unas pretensiones filosóficas todavía de mayor alcance.


    2. Metáforas de la vida cotidiana de Lakoff y Johnson

    En el ámbito de la filosofía analítica la reflexión acerca de la metáfora fue siempre algo más bien marginal, pues se consideraba una materia propia de críticos literarios. La tajante dicotomía positivista entre lenguaje cognitivo, el lenguaje de la ciencia, y lenguaje emotivo, el de la poesía, el arte, excluía la metáfora como tema "políticamente correcto" de investigación filosófica. Las principales excepciones a esta tendencia general fueron Max Black (1966) y Nelson Goodman (1968), y en tiempos más recientes Donald Davidson (1978). Black propuso una versión modificada de la "teoría de la interacción" desarrollada por I. Richards en 1936, que tendría gran influencia. Se basaba en la idea de que cuando usamos una metáfora tenemos en una sola expresión dos pensamientos de cosas distintas en actividad simultánea. El significado de la expresión metafórica sería el resultante de la interacción de los dos elementos. En "Juan es una roca" los dos pensamientos activos a las vez serían el de la fortaleza de Juan y el de la de solidez de la roca.

    Para Black los dos elementos vendrían a ser uno, el foco de la metáfora -el enunciado efectivo- y otro, el marco que lo rodea. Este segundo elemento ha de ser considerado como un sistema más que como una cosa individual. Cuando decimos que "la sociedad es un mar", estamos poniendo delante de nuestros ojos, proyectando sobre la sociedad, todo un sistema conceptual en el que hay tempestades, puertos seguros, piratas, tiburones, naufragios y muchas cosas más.

    Quizá la idea más importante de Black desde el punto de vista del análisis cultural y textual es la de que muchas metáforas pueden agruparse en un alto nivel de abstracción en familias o temas, y los diferentes actos lingüísticos específicos o las expresiones concretas pueden ser considerados como variaciones de ese mismo tema metafórico (Bustos 1994, 96). Para mí resulta todavía más importante advertir que el enfoque interactivo de la metáfora supone un cambio importante de la atención: en lugar de atender a las metáforas como productos de la actividad artística (o "desviaciones" del sentido literal) han pasado a ser estudiadas como procesos de construcción de significados. Este cambio -que corresponde en lingüística a un giro de la atención desde la semántica a la pragmática- se debe en buena parte a la moderna revolución cognitiva que traspasa los límites tradicionales de las disciplinas en su búsqueda de una cabal comprensión de la inteligencia humana.

    En este contexto puede entenderse bien el éxito inmediato del lingüista George Lakoff y el filósofo Mark Johnson con su libro Metaphors We Live By de 1980, del que presentaron ese mismo año un amplio resumen en The Journal of Philosophy. En castellano fue publicado en 1986 como Metáforas de la vida cotidiana. Me parece que el título en inglés de aquel libro, Metaphors We Live By, resulta incluso más expresivo que el castellano. Viene a ser algo así como "Metáforas en las que vivimos" o "mediante las que vivimos" y alude al corazón de su propuesta que -parafraseando a Mark Johnson (1981, 341-2)- podría expresarse de la siguiente manera:

    Los filósofos y los lingüistas han tendido a tratar la metáfora como un asunto de interés periférico. Sin embargo, nuestro lenguaje común es mucho más metafórico de lo que a menudo advertimos. Muchas metáforas de nuestro lenguaje consideradas "convencionales" son generadas por estructuras básicas de nuestra experiencia y de nuestra manera de pensar. Buena parte de la coherencia y el orden de nuestra actividad conceptualizadora se basa en el modo en que nuestros sistemas de metáforas estructuran nuestra experiencia.

    Pero no hace justicia a Lakoff y Johnson una presentación "teórica" como ésta. Lo más atractivo de Metáforas de la vida cotidiana son quizá sus ejemplos, capaces de persuadir al lector de que hasta ahora no había prestado suficiente atención a las metáforas que impregnan por completo su vida cotidiana. Por eso, el mejor eco de mis palabras sería que algunos de quienes me escuchan se decidieran a leer ese librito, que tiene la extraña capacidad de cambiar nuestra vidas pues nos persuade de que hasta ahora no habíamos caído en la cuenta de la naturaleza básicamente metafórica de todo nuestro lenguaje.

    Frente a la tradición literaria que privilegiaba las metáforas poéticas, aquellas más sorprendentes o inesperadas, lo que sobre todo interesa a Lakoff y Johnson, son expresiones tan comunes como "perder el tiempo", "ir por caminos diferentes" o las que mencionaba al principio "bibliografía oceánica" o "corriente filosófica". Expresiones como ésas

    son reflejo de conceptos metafóricos sistemáticos que estructuran nuestras acciones y nuestros pensamientos. Están "vivos" en un sentido más fundamental: son metáforas en las que vivimos. El hecho de que estén fijadas convencionalmente al léxico de nuestra lengua no las hace menos vivas (Lakoff y Johnson 1986, 95).

    En Metáforas de la vida cotidiana Lakoff y Johnson presentan tres tipos distintos de estructuras conceptuales metafóricas:

    1. metáforas orientacionales: organizan un sistema global de conceptos con relación a otro sistema. La mayoría de ellas tienen que ver con la orientación espacial y nacen de nuestra constitución física. Las principales son ARRIBA/ABAJO, DENTRO/FUERA, DELANTE /DETRAS, PROFUNDO/ SUPERFICIAL, CENTRAL/PERIFéRICO.
      Por ejemplo, LO BUENO ES ARRIBA, LO MALO ES ABAJO: estatus alto, estatus bajo; las cosas van hacia arriba, vamos cuesta abajo; alta calidad, baja calidad; Su Alteza Real; bajeza de nacimiento; LA VIRTUD ES ARRIBA, EL VICIO ES ABAJO: alguien tiene pensamientos elevados o rastreros, si se deja arrastrar por las más bajas pasiones, cae muy bajo o en el abismo del vicio; los bajos fondos; alteza de miras, bajeza moral. FELIZ es ARRIBA, TRISTE es ABAJO: me levantó el ánimo; tuve un bajón, estoy hundido, sentirse bajo; caer en una depresión, etc., etc.

    2. metáforas ontológicas: por las que se categoriza un fenómeno de forma peculiar mediante su consideración como una entidad, una sustancia, un recipiente, una persona, etc.
      Por ejemplo, LA MENTE HUMANA ES UN RECIPIENTE: No me cabe en la cabeza; no me entra la lección; tener algo en mente; o tener la mente vacía; métete esto en la cabeza; tener una melodía en la cabeza; estoy saturado; ser un cabeza hueca; etc., por no recordar las expresiones coloquiales 'tarro', 'perola', 'olla' y las diversas formas en que suelen ser usadas: se le ha ido la olla, etc.

    3. metáforas estructurales: en las que una actividad o una experiencia se estructura en términos de otra. Así, COMPRENDER ES VER, UNA DISCUSION ES UNA GUERRA, o el ejemplo que sugieren José Antonio Millán y Susana Narotzky, los traductores de Lakoff y Johnson, que tiene una gran riqueza de recursos en castellano:
      P. ej. UN DISCURSO (o una clase!) ES UN TEJIDO: se puede perder el hilo; las ideas pueden estar mal hilvanadas o deshilvanadas, al hilo de lo que iba diciendo; puede faltar un hilo argumental o conductor; un argumento puede ser retorcido, el discurso tiene un nudo y un desenlace; se atan cabos, se pega la hebra; se hila muy fino, etc., etc.

    En castellano empleamos realmente todo un mapa textil para la actividad discursiva oral o escrita: se puede urdir una excusa, tramar un buen argumento o incluso bordar un discurso o una clase.

    Uno de los rasgos que -al menos para mí- resulta muy persuasivo de la brillante exposición de Lakoff y Johnson es la modestia con que en algunos pasajes de aquel libro de 1980 presentaban sus resultados más polémicos:

    No sabemos mucho sobre los fundamentos experienciales de las metáforas. Debido a nuestra ignorancia sobre esta materia hemos descrito las metáforas separadamente, y sólo después hemos añadido unas notas especulativas sobre sus posibles fundamentos experienciales. Adoptamos este modo de proceder no por principio, sino por ignorancia. En realidad, pensamos que ninguna metáfora puede entenderse o siquiera representarse adecuadamente de modo independiente de su base experiencial (Lakoff y Johnson 1986, 56).

    Esa modestia ha desaparecido en sus últimas publicaciones, pero lo que importa ahora es que lo que con una afirmación así están diciendo es que las metáforas no son un fenómeno meramente lingüístico como se consideraba en las teorías clásicas, sino que concierne a la categorización conceptual de nuestra experiencia vital, concierne al conocimiento, pues la función primaria de las metáforas es cognitiva y ocupan un lugar central en nuestro sistema ordinario de pensamiento y lenguaje.

    En este sentido, la asignación de una importancia central a las metáforas y la detección de su ubicuidad en nuestro lenguaje lleva aparejada consigo la denuncia -de ahí el carácter revolucionario de esta teoría- de la insuficiencia de la aproximación al lenguaje exclusivamente lógica o semántica típica de los filósofos analíticos o la aproximación sintáctica típica de los lingüistas chomskyanos y generativistas en general.

    3. Las metáforas conceptuales y su conexión con la experiencia y la imaginación

    Si la mayor parte de nuestro sistema conceptual normal está estructurado metafóricamente, esto es, si la mayor parte de los conceptos se entienden al menos parcialmente en términos de otros conceptos, la cuestión que surge de inmediato es la de cuáles son las bases de ese sistema conceptual.

    Los principales candidatos a conceptos entendidos directamente -esto es, a conceptos no metafóricos- son las orientaciones espaciales simples como ARRIBA o ABAJO, DENTRO-FUERA, etc. Esos conceptos emergen de nuestra experiencia espacial efectiva. De hecho tenemos cuerpos, nos mantenemos erguidos, estamos en un campo gravitatorio constantemente. La interacción con nuestro medio físico conforma todo nuestro vivir y eso confiere a esa orientación una prioridad para nosotros sobre otras posibles estructuraciones espaciales. Sin embargo, de nuestro funcionamiento emocional -algo igualmente básico- no emerge una estructura conceptual de las emociones claramente definida. Como hay un cierto correlato sistemático entre nuestras emociones (abatimiento, agobio) y nuestras experiencias sensoriales y motoras (estar encogido o giboso), las unas constituyen las bases metafóricas de las otras. Las metáforas espaciales nos permiten conceptualizar nuestras emociones en términos mejor definidos que las emociones mismas.

    Me parece que esta explicación resulta vitalmente muy persuasiva, y algo similar vienen a afirmar Lakoff y Johnson de las metáforas ontológicas. Los conceptos de OBJETO, SUSTANCIA, RECIPIENTE surgen directamente de nuestra experiencia: nos experimentamos a nosotros mismos como entidades separadas del resto, como recipientes con una parte exterior y otra interior; nos experimentamos como hechos de cierta sustancia -carne, huesos- y experimentamos las demás cosas como hechas de diferentes sustancias: madera, plástico, metal, etc. En términos de esos conceptos básicos OBJETO, SUSTANCIA, RECIPIENTE forjamos las metáforas ontológicas, pues se basan en esos correlatos sistemáticos de nuestra experiencia.

    Tanto las metáforas orientacionales como las ontológicas no son muy ricas en sí mismas, pero tenemos la capacidad de forjar metáforas estructurales (UN DISCURSO ES UN TEJIDO) que nos permiten estructurar un concepto como el de DISCURSO en términos de otro mejor delineado o más conocido como podría ser el de TEJIDO. Por supuesto, los conceptos no emergen directamente sólo de la experiencia sino que están estructurados a partir de las metáforas culturales dominantes, y por supuesto una metáfora estructural como la de UN DISCURSO ES UN TEJIDO se construye dentro del sistema cultural en que se vive. Cuando se tejía en las casas o en regiones donde hay una gran cultura textil -como en mi caso es Cataluña- la trama, urdimbre, lanzadera, etc. son realidades físicas tan bien conocidas como el punto de cruz o el ganchillo.

    Para mi exposición lo que resulta más relevante ahora es destacar que para Lakoff y Johnson es nuestro afán por estructurar coherentemente nuestra experiencia lo que nos lleva a proyectar un dominio conceptual sobre otro, a entender una realidad en términos de otra: las metáforas nos permiten entender sistemáticamente un dominio de nuestra experiencia en términos de otro. Con el ejemplo de antes, entendemos los sentimientos (como el de "agobio") organizándolo espacialmente como una carga sobre nuestras espaldas. No se trata de una desviación, sino que es lo que hacemos ordinariamente para conocer nuevos fenómenos. Nos hallamos pues ante una teoría constructivista del lenguaje y del pensamiento, pero se trata de una construcción a partir de la experiencia más común y cotidiana.

    Lo que Lakoff y Johnson están diciendo es que el mundo de la vida está estructurado metafóricamente. Los sub-elementos de la estructura obtienen su significado de una Gestalt experiencial compleja que organiza nuestra experiencia. Se apoyan para esto en los trabajos de Fillmore, Rosch, Minsky, Rumelhart y de muchos otros que desde la lingüística, la psicología, y la ciencia cognitiva han trabajado en este campo.

    No tengo tiempo tampoco de entrar ahora en cuestiones de detalle -como las que llenan el libro (unos cincuenta esquemas metafóricos con muchos ejemplos de cada uno) y lo hacen realmente fascinante- pero sí me gustaría atender al menos a la cuestión de las metáforas creativas, la de la creación de nuevos significados, pues hasta ahora he centrado la atención en las metáforas convencionales, que estructuran el sistema conceptual ordinario de nuestra cultura, es decir, el lenguaje cotidiano.

    Para Lakoff y Johnson las metáforas nuevas pueden llegar a proporcionarnos una nueva comprensión de nuestra experiencia, pueden dar un nuevo significado a nuestras actividades, y a lo que sabemos y creemos. EL AMOR ES UNA OBRA DE ARTE EN COLABORACIóN es la que utilizan ellos en su libro. Resulta el único ejemplo que aportan (Violi 1982), pero quizá habéis visto cómo lo aprovecha Marina en el capítulo VII de El laberinto sentimental (Marina 1996).

    La producción de nuevas metáforas es el ámbito de los poetas o de los publicistas a los que en este libro prestan ellos menos atención. Podríamos pensar nosotros en las metáforas con valor heurístico en la investigación científica o en aquellas metáforas estructurales que acuñan los historiadores y políticos (EUROPA MOSAICO DE PUEBLOS) para que crezca la comprensión de una tradición, o la de los VIRUS acuñada por los informáticos para que entendamos cómo debemos actuar en esos casos.

    Las metáforas creativas confieren sentido a nuestra experiencia de la misma manera que las convencionales: proporcionan una estructura coherente, destacan unos aspectos y ocultan otros. Son capaces de crear una nueva realidad, pues contra lo que comúnmente se cree no son simplemente una cuestión de lenguaje, sino un medio de estructurar nuestro sistema conceptual, y por tanto, nuestras actitudes y nuestras acciones. Las palabras por sí solas no cambian la realidad, pero los cambios en nuestro sistema conceptual cambian lo que es real para nosotros y afectan a la forma en que percibimos el mundo y al modo en que actuamos en él, pues actuamos sobre la base de esas percepciones. Para Lakoff y para Johnson -y para mí- muchos cambios denominados culturales para bien o para mal nacen de la introducción de nuevos conceptos metafóricos. En este sentido puede decirse tanto que las metáforas desempeñan un papel decisivo en la conformación de nuestra realidad como que los filósofos somos creadores de metáforas.

    Frente a lo que denominan "objetivismo absoluto" (el Realismo cientista de la cultura norteamericana) y al "subjetivismo radical" (el escepticismo literario) Lakoff y Johnson proponen una vía intermedia, a la que llaman precisamente una síntesis experiencialista, que aspira a unir razón e imaginación. En consecuencia, Lakoff y Johnson concluyen que así como las categorías de nuestro pensamiento son en gran medida metafóricas y nuestro razonamiento cotidiano conlleva implicaciones e inferencias metafóricas, la racionalidad ordinaria es por su propia naturaleza esencialmente imaginativa.

    Las secciones finales de Metáforas de la vida cotidiana están dedicadas a extraer algunas conclusiones más generales para la teoría de la verdad y la noción de comprensión. Sólo diré que para Lakoff y Johnson la comprensión emerge de la interacción, de la negociación constante con el ambiente y con los demás, y en este sentido la verdad depende de la comprensión que emerge de nuestro desenvolvimiento en el mundo. De esta manera, la síntesis experiencialista aspira a satisfacer la necesidad objetivista de una explicación de la verdad mediante nuestra estructuración coherente de la experiencia, al mismo tiempo que cumple las expectativas del subjetivismo sobre el significado y sentido personal del conocimiento.


    4. La recepción de las propuestas de Lakoff y Johnson: valoración final

    La recepción del libro de Lakoff y Johnson fue espectacular. En el primer año se vendieron 9.000 ejemplares del libro y comenzó enseguida su traducción a las principales lenguas. Sus lectores advirtieron de inmediato que los autores de aquel libro, a pesar de las limitaciones evidentes de su empeño, habían hecho diana, habían acertado a expresar todo un conjunto de intuiciones que circulaban de modo bastante difuso entre lingüistas, filósofos, antropólogos y psicólogos.

    Algunas de sus tesis resultaban controvertidas y además estaban expresadas de forma polémica, pero todavía llamaba más la atención tanto la presentación masiva de ejemplos, muchos de ellos terriblemente sugestivos, como la casi total ausencia de la jerga común entre los lingüistas que a los filósofos o al simple lector de a pie echa casi siempre para atrás. Se trataba de un libro dirigido a una audiencia general, sin impedimenta técnica, pero resultaba a la vez con claridad un hito singular en el intrincado mundo de la investigación de la metáfora (Lawler 1983). En particular el estudio detenido de tan gran número de ejemplos superaba con creces muchos estudios de filósofos que habían atendido -casi obsesivamente- a dos o tres ejemplos seleccionados. Se trataba además un modelo admirable de trabajo interdisciplinar, por ser sus autores un lingüista y un filósofo (Nuessel 1982). Además el que una aproximación experiencialista como ésta hubiera sido desarrollada por un lingüista como Lakoff, educado en la gramática generativista chomskyana, le confería un interés añadido particular, pues tanto la interacción con el ambiente como el papel de la imaginación en la razón tienen para Chomsky una importancia muy secundaria.

    Como muestra Lakoff con claridad en su libro de 1987 Mujeres, fuego y otras cosas peligrosas, su posición, a la que denomina realismo experiencial, es deudora de manera obvia del trabajo de Hilary Putnam, y yendo más hacia atrás del segundo Wittgenstein y del filósofo de Oxford John L. Austin. En el libro de 1999 Philosophy in the Flesh los grandes autores de quienes se reconocen en deuda son Dewey y Merleau-Ponty y pretenden hacer tabula rasa de la mayor parte de los filósofos que en la historia les han precedido. Sin embargo, la teoría de la metáfora que presentan en Metáforas de la vida cotidiana se inserta en una tradición minoritaria de pensamiento que encuentra su origen en algunos textos de Aristóteles sobre la naturaleza cognitiva de la metáfora y tiene sus hitos relevantes en Giambattista Vico y en Charles Peirce, y contemporáneamente en la teoría de la interacción de Ivor Richards y Max Black.

    La creciente convicción acerca de la indispensabilidad de la metáfora en la ciencia -de que las teorías son elaboraciones de metáforas básicas o sistemas de metáforas- y los estudios con amplia evidencia empírica sobre el aprendizaje de los niños mediante metáforas han sido un buen aliado de la posición de Lakoff y Johnson.

    En este sentido, puede afirmarse también que el éxito de Lakoff y Johnson en el ámbito angloamericano es otra de las señales del resurgimiento del pragmatismo. De hecho en la última década asistimos a la consolidación de una nueva área de investigación, que ha venido en denominarse Lingüística Cognitiva o Semántica Cognitiva, en la que George Lakoff es una de las figuras más prominentes.

    Entre los principales logros del libro de Lakoff y Johnson uno de los más destacados -a mi juicio- es el de mostrar que el estudio de la metáfora es una vía particularmente fructífera para abordar las cuestiones lógicas, epistemológicas y ontológicas que resultan centrales para ofrecer una adecuada comprensión de lo que es la experiencia humana. Frente a la teoría clásica que venía a decir que la metáfora era simplemente una cuestión de denominación, de asignar con un propósito retórico palabras a conceptos con los que no aparecían ordinariamente, la concepción de Lakoff y Johnson es más bien la de que las metáforas son la expresión de una actividad cognitiva conceptualizadora, categorizadora, mediante la cual comprendemos un ámbito de nuestra experiencia en términos de la estructura de otro ámbito de experiencia. Más aún, el foco y el resultado principal de su investigación viene a ser que "Metáfora" es el nombre que damos a nuestra capacidad de usar los mecanismos motores y perceptivos corporales como base para construcciones inferenciales abstractas, de forma que la metáfora es la estructura cognitiva esencial para nuestra comprensión de la realidad. El lenguaje metafórico sería entonces una consecuencia, un reflejo, de la capacidad de pensar metafóricamente, que es nuestra manera más común de pensar.






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    • Marina, José Antonio. 1996. El laberinto sentimental. Barcelona: Anagrama.

    • Nietzsche, Friedrich. 1980. "Sobre verdad y mentira en sentido extramoral". Valencia: Cuadernos Teorema nº 36.

    • Nuessel, Frank H. 1982. "Review of Lakoff's and Johnson's Metaphors We Live By". Lingua 56: 185-200.

    • Richards, Ivor A. 1936. The Philosophy of Rhetoric. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    • Shibles, Warren, ed. 1971. Metaphor: An Annotated Bibliography and History. Whitewater, WI: Language Press.

    • Van Noppen, J. P. y E. Hols, eds. 1990. Metaphor II. A Classified Bibliography of Publications 1985 to 1990. Amsterdam: Benjamins.

    • Van Noppen, J. P., S. De Knop y R. Jongen, eds. 1985. Metaphor. A Bibliography of Post-1970 Publications. Amsterdam: Benjamins.

    • Violi, Patrizia. 1982. "Review of Lakoff's and Johnson's Metaphors We Live By". Journal of Pragmatics 6: 189-194.

    *

    How Not to Become a Translator

    by Per N. Dohler


     

    when Gabe asked me to "be" the Translator Profile for this issue of his wonderful Translation Journal, I felt opportunity knocking. A typical freelance translator, spending most of his or her time alone in a room (well, alone with the world since the advent of the Internet, but still), will readily discourse at length on just about anything, given a fraction of a chance. My wife Thea, who has had ample occasion to study the social behavior of translators, calls this "translators' logorrhea" and considers it a professional disease.

    Anyway, here it goes.

    It's easy to waste an immense amount of time repeating everybody else's mistakes.
    Uh, well—what can I say. (Ahem, a lot, obviously.) I am a freelance translator (I like to say "independent translator"). My native language is German. My extraction is German, Romanian, Hungarian, Polish-Jewish, and other things I will never know about. My country is Germany, but if I hadn't adopted the U.S. and Sweden on the side I could never stand being here. I translate from English and the Scandinavian languages into German. My fields are dental, medical, financial, marketing, PR, IT, localization. I live and work in Barendorf, a small community in the center of Northern Germany, together with said Thea, who is an independent consultant, my best editor, and a lot of other things that don't belong here. And in case I have forgotten something, you can always look it up at www.triacom.com.

    Unfortunately, on top of all that, I am also probably one of the world's most eminent experts on how not to become a translator.

    I know what I am talking about. In my first years as a translator I did almost everything wrong, and I certainly made plenty of the most elementary mistakes.

    I'd say I wasn't even a translator initially; I was just posing as one. True, I had an academic background in U.S. literature and English linguistics, painfully acquired after meandering through the academic system for too many years (easy enough to do at those unstructured German universities). And, having spent a couple of years in California, I felt that my English was adequate and that I knew a little about the U.S. But that, of course, is nowhere near good enough to hang out one's shingle as a translator.

    My first paid translations were done, somewhat accidentally, in 1982, for a professor of history. I had to translate source documents from U.S. history into German for inclusion in an annotated textbook. The volume in question did eventually appear; my contribution was hardly recognizable. But no one told me what I had done wrong, or how.

    The next step in that dubious career of mine came over a year later, when my father—a dentist and director of the state dental association—referred Germany's largest dental publisher to me (just like that, he had no idea whether I would perform OK or not). So I started doing dental translations, all of which were edited by my father. ("That may sound good, Per, but it's not what a dentist would ever say!") (HINDSIGHT: What I gained from this cooperation over the next few years was the best practical education in the field I could have had, short of actually becoming a dentist myself.) But from a business angle, the whole setup was a disaster because I simply swallowed what I was fed. I would receive two or three dental articles a month to translate from English into German. I was getting paid by the printed page, a few months after the article appeared in print (if it appeared), at a rate set by the publisher. It was not until over a year later that a new editorial coordinator took pity on me and suggested that I submit an invoice for what I had not heretofore thought of as accounts receivable.

    Meanwhile, my M.A. thesis was finally completed, even well received—but there were no jobs for linguists. I'd had an invitation to work toward a Ph.D. at the University of California at Berkeley, but the family finances did not stretch that far. To turn a dead end into something useful, I started out to get a second degree, this time in computer science (there were, and still are, no tuition charges at German universities, so that was no problem). Something with language and computers—that could be hot, or so we thought, even though it was not quite clear how. (HINDSIGHT: This was going to give me an enormous advantage in the 1990s, when localization became a big hit.) To put bread on the table, I continued working for my dental publisher, even acquired a second one and a pharmaceutical company somehow (word of mouth, probably), and audited assorted university-level classes in medicine and dentistry. I managed to muddle through in this manner for some time more.

    Finally, one morning in 1988—six years after my first translation!—I looked at myself in the mirror and said, almost a bit surprised, "You, Per, are actually a translator." (HINDSIGHT: I was not, yet.) I dropped out of school, bought a new computer and more dictionaries, sent out some makeshift mailings—I didn't know anything about marketing either—and actually landed one or two new clients.

    Everything I ever learned I learned from someone else.
    But I still hadn't ever spoken to a "real" translator, had never had a translation of mine critiqued, had been denied membership by the regional translators' association, had never participated in any kind of professional exchange, had never even read a book on the art or the craft of translation—nothing. Despite all that, I was doing relatively well financially, and I even became accredited by the Chamber of Commerce in my home state. I was translating more and more, but I still wasn't a translator. Not until 1991—nine years after my first translation. (HINDSIGHT: Most of the little odds and ends picked up along the way will ultimately come in handy in some translation. There may be no more "renaissance men" in this world, but a broad range of interests does not hurt.)

    So what happened in 1991? CompuServe, the U.S.-based online service, started doing serious business in Germany. I signed up and soon found the legendary FLEFO community of translators—then just about the only such online community, with the possible exceptions of sci.lang.translation on Usenet and LANTRA-L , if I remember correctly. A new world opened up for me—the world of actual translation. And actual translators. (And virtual translation. And virtual translators.)

    Translators must be one of the most interesting breeds of people. Many are probably a little weird, myself quite possibly not excluded; but most of those I met in the ensuing years—and I met plenty of colleagues at home and abroad over the years, enjoyed their company, enjoyed their hospitality, tried to lure them to Barendorf ("Hotbed of North German Translation"), almost as if to make up for lost time—are really interesting people with strong opinions, which they are eager to try on others. We come from an incredible wealth of backgrounds and bring this diversity to the incredible wealth of worlds that we translate from and into.

    I don't know who said it, I may even have made this up myself: "Everything I ever learned I learned from someone else." In my case, when it comes to the art, the craft, and the business of translation, the "someone else" would usually have been someone I originally met on FLEFO, and the time would have been the early 1990s.

    So in this manner, I became a translator after all. Things have been largely uphill ever since.
     

    Appendix 1: How To Be a Translator

    I am afraid more people than care to admit it have taken an equally long time and equally circuitous routes in becoming translators. If you are just starting out, save yourself some valuable time. Do not emulate our haphazard paths. Instead, proceed as follows:

    • Take a sober inventory of what you bring to the job. All of us—all of us!—have learned interesting things in our lives, which might be useful in one way or another when translating in various fields. But if you lack certain essentials—for example, if you are not a good writer in your native language—then do consider pursuing a different path.
    • Take a sober inventory of what you still need to acquire. Then acquire it. Spend some time on training first—it need not be in translation as such—specialty fields are just as important for many. Allow yourself some time abroad; read, read, read; and listen, listen, listen. Even if you think you already have a solid foundation and you have work, set aside enough time so that you can still do all of the above on the side.
    • Seek out colleagues wherever you can. Good places to look are Internet "hangouts" for translators and (yes) translators' associations. Collaborate whenever you have a chance. Edit and be edited, even if you hate editing. Above all, keep your mind open. What we learn today isn't going to last us a lifetime!
    • Don't deceive yourself into thinking you are some kind of an artist enjoying artists' (and fools') privileges—99% of the time you are not.
    • Think of yourself as a businessperson first and foremost. Be dependable. Be available. Be visible. Be serious. Market yourself. Stick to deadlines religiously. Don't guess what your customer needs—if you aren't 100% sure, ask. If you don't like what you hear, say no. If you are called upon to do something you cannot do, say no. But if you do engage in a contract, abide by its terms. Sound trivial? You'd be surprised how many translators fail in precisely these trivial things. The most rigorous translation is worthless if it arrives after that atomic power plant blows up.
    • Develop a set of negative criteria for those projects you don't want to do. Then don't do them.
    • Develop an O.K. set of positive criteria for those projects you really do want to do. Then pursue them whenever you have a minute to spare.
    • Determine where you want to go. Ask yourself: What would I like my professional life to be, say, ten years from now? From time to time, calibrate the things you do on a daily basis against that overall goal.

     

    Appendix 2: Truisms ... or Controversial Food for Thought

    Translators

    • It has been predicted that translators would be obsolete "in ten years" for about fifty years now. These predictions will probably continue to be issued regularly for the next fifty years.
    • There are translators who claim they never allow a less-than-perfect translation to leave their desk. They are lying.
    • Translation

      • Translation is not a commodity. (Translators are usually not freely interchangeable.)
      • Translation is a potentially scarce item. (Neither the number of its producers nor their output can be increased at will.)
      • Translation is not scalable. (Volume discounts in translation don't make sense.)
      • Terminology is to translation what trees are to the forest. But you often don't see the latter for the former.
      • There is no such thing as a perfect translation. There isn't even such a thing as a translation most people would consider pretty good.
      • "Quality" in the sense used in ISO 900x has nothing, absolutely nothing to do with "good" or "bad." ISO 900x is not applicable to mental activities such as translation.
      • Marketing

        • All marketing methods (such as a website) work best as part of an overall marketing concept. Such a concept need not be aggressive. But why not try "quietly pervasive"?
        • There are clients with low-quality needs, clients with top-quality needs, and the gamut in between. There are translators to accommodate all those markets. Over time, the choice is ours.
        • A company that is a delinquent payer will probably stay a delinquent payer. Caveat vendor.
        • Business

          • Like all other human activities, translation is subject to the law of diminishing returns. Happy translators know when to stop worrying about the remaining details.
          • There are more translators earning decent money than the general chorus of complaining suggests.
          • Saying no to unreasonable demands may do nothing for your checking account in the short run, but it will work wonders for your self-esteem in the long run.
          • The Internet revolution is actually over. The CAT revolution is actually over. The next revolution has not yet surfaced. Those who catch it early will be ahead of the game. But don't expect anyone to tip you off—you have to look around for yourself.
          • Tools

            • Our most precious tool, beyond our brains, is our own data on our own computers. Dictionaries, programs, CD-ROMs can usually be replaced if lost. Our own original data can't be.
            • CAT tools make translation faster. They can make translation more consistent. But CAT has pitfalls, such as disparate translation memories, which probably lie at the bottom of a lot of incoherent translations—mumbo-jumbo like nothing anyone would have ever come up with before CAT.

     
    © Copyright Translation Journal and the Author 2003

    Cultural Implications for translation

    by Kate James


      Introduction
    1. Translation is a kind of activity which inevitably involves at least two languages and two cultural traditions." (Toury 1978:200). As this statement implies, translators are permanently faced with the problem of how to treat the cultural aspects implicit in a source text (ST) and of finding the most appropriate technique of successfully conveying these aspects in the target language (TL). These problems may vary in scope depending on the cultural and linguistic gap between the two (or more) languages concerned (see Nida 1964:130).

      an important aspect is to determine how much missing background information should be provided by the translator
      The cultural implications for translation may take several forms ranging from lexical content and syntax to ideologies and ways of life in a given culture. The translator also has to decide on the importance given to certain cultural aspects and to what extent it is necessary or desirable to translate them into the TL. The aims of the ST will also have implications for translation as well as the intended readership for both the ST and the target text (TT).

      Considering the cultural implications for a translated text implies recognising all of these problems and taking into account several possibilities before deciding on the solution which appears the most appropriate in each specific case. Before applying these methods to the chosen text, this essay will examine the importance of culture in translation through a literature review. The different general procedures of treating the cultural implications for translation will be examined as well as analysing the ST and the aims of the author. The translation process will also be treated using specific examples found in the ST before discussing the success of aforementioned theoretical methods applied to the TT.

      Although corresponding to cultural categories examined, the title will be considered separately in order to determine the pertinence of conserving, highlighting, or excluding certain aspects. Due to these considerations, the title will be considered after the other aspects as all other cultural implications need to be examined before reaching relevant conclusions.
       

    2. The Importance of Culture in Translation

      The definition of "culture" as given in the Concise Oxford Dictionary varies from descriptions of the "Arts" to plant and bacteria cultivation and includes a wide range of intermediary aspects. More specifically concerned with language and translation, Newmark defines culture as "the way of life and its manifestations that are peculiar to a community that uses a particular language as its means of expression" (1988:94), thus acknowledging that each language group has its own culturally specific features. He further clearly states that operationally he does "not regard language as a component or feature of culture" (Newmark 1988:95) in direct opposition to the view taken by Vermeer who states that "language is part of a culture" (1989:222). According to Newmark, Vermeer's stance would imply the impossibility to translate whereas for the latter, translating the source language (SL) into a suitable form of TL is part of the translator's role in transcultural communication.

      The notion of culture is essential to considering the implications for translation and, despite the differences in opinion as to whether language is part of culture or not, the two notions appear to be inseparable. Discussing the problems of correspondence in translation, Nida confers equal importance to both linguistic and cultural differences between the SL and the TL and concludes that "differences between cultures may cause more severe complications for the translator than do differences in language structure" (Nida, 1964:130). It is further explained that parallels in culture often provide a common understanding despite significant formal shifts in the translation. The cultural implications for translation are thus of significant importance as well as lexical concerns.

      Lotman's theory states that "no language can exist unless it is steeped in the context of culture; and no culture can exist which does not have at its centre, the structure of natural language" (Lotman, 1978:211-32). Bassnett (1980: 13-14) underlines the importance of this double consideration when translating by stating that language is "the heart within the body of culture," the survival of both aspects being interdependent. Linguistic notions of transferring meaning are seen as being only part of the translation process; "a whole set of extra-linguistic criteria" must also be considered. As Bassnett further points out, "the translator must tackle the SL text in such a way that the TL version will correspond to the SL version... To attempt to impose the value system of the SL culture onto the TL culture is dangerous ground" (Bassnett, 1980:23). Thus, when translating, it is important to consider not only the lexical impact on the TL reader, but also the manner in which cultural aspects may be perceived and make translating decisions accordingly.
       

      1. General cultural implications for translation
      2. Language and culture may thus be seen as being closely related and both aspects must be considered for translation. When considering the translation of cultural words and notions, Newmark proposes two opposing methods: transference and componential analysis (Newmark, 1988:96). As Newmark mentions, transference gives "local colour," keeping cultural names and concepts. Although placing the emphasis on culture, meaningful to initiated readers, he claims this method may cause problems for the general readership and limit the comprehension of certain aspects. The importance of the translation process in communication leads Newmark to propose componential analysis which he describes as being "the most accurate translation procedure, which excludes the culture and highlights the message" (Newmark, 1988:96). This may be compared to the scale proposed by Hervey et al, visualised as follows:

        (Hervey et al, 1992:28)

        Nida's definitions of formal and dynamic equivalence (see Nida, 1964:129) may also be seen to apply when considering cultural implications for translation. According to Nida, a "gloss translation" mostly typifies formal equivalence where form and content are reproduced as faithfully as possible and the TL reader is able to "understand as much as he can of the customs, manner of thought, and means of expression" of the SL context (Nida, 1964:129). Contrasting with this idea, dynamic equivalence "tries to relate the receptor to modes of behaviour relevant within the context of his own culture" without insisting that he "understand the cultural patterns of the source-language context" (idem).
         

    3. Source Text
       
      1. The nature of the source text
      2. The text chosen for translation ("Les Loukoums chez l'Arabe') is an extract from La Première Gorgée de Bière et autres Plaisirs Minuscules (L'Arpenteur, 1998) by the prize-winning French author, Philippe Delerm. It is a self-contained chapter of a collection of similar extracts where the author's intention to present certain aspects of French life in a lyrical way presents matter for thought both culturally and linguistically. The subject matter is centred around thoughts on Turkish Delight and the Arab shop where this sweet can be bought, thus introducing not only French, but North African cultural aspects. Reflections on the subject, action and dialogue are all presented in the same narrative form where the voice of the author is omnipresent. The text contains several culturally-specific words and notions whose implications for translation merit attention.
         

      3. The ideal reader
      4. A question that needs to be asked when considering a text for translation is for whom the original text was destined and whether this readership corresponds to the potential TT reader. Thus two types of ideal reader may be distinguished: the ST ideal reader and the TT ideal reader. In the text Les Loukoums chez l'Arabe, this notion may be seen as particularly relevant due to the literary nature of the extract with the subject matter being specifically linked to culture.
         

        1. The ideal ST reader
        2. Coulthard (1992) highlights the importance of defining the ideal reader for whom the author "attributes knowledge of certain facts, memory of certain experiences ... plus certain opinions, preferences and prejudices and a certain level of linguistic competence." When considering such aspects, it should not be forgotten that the extent to which the author may be influenced by such notions is dependent on his own sense of belonging to a specific socio-cultural group.

          These principles may be applied to "Les Loukoums chez l'Arabe" and conclusions may be reached concerning Delerm's ideal reader in the following way:

          1. Certain facts.
          2. The author supposes that his ideal reader has a knowledge of historical events and links between France and Northern African countries as well as a certain cultural familiarity with the customs of these countries.
          3. Memory of certain experiences.
          4. The experiences in this instance may be considered as contact with cultural situations described in the text such as previous visits to the kind of Arab shop described and other cultural elements (French town life).
          5. Certain opinions, preferences and prejudices
          6. . In this category may be placed the widespread French associations concerning Arab immigration. Delerm does not seek an anti-immigrant or racist readership yet inherent cultural prejudices are not avoided.
          7. A certain level of linguistic competence. The text chosen corresponds to the description of the average text for translation given by Newmark, namely for "an educated, middle-class readership in an informal ... style (Newmark, 1988:13). It may be considered that the social category "middle class" may find an approximate corresponding category in France. On a semantic and cultural level, there are several potential problems for a reader not corresponding to the criteria of the ideal reader.

             

        3. The ideal TT reader

          Once the ideal ST readership has been determined, considerations must be made concerning the TT. Coulthard states:

          The translator's first and major difficulty ... is the construction of a new ideal reader who, even if he has the same academic, professional and intellectual level as the original reader, will have significantly different textual expectations and cultural knowledge (Coulthard, 1992:12).

          In the case of the extract translated here, it is debatable whether the ideal TT reader has "significantly different textual expectations," however his cultural knowledge will almost certainly vary considerably.

          Applied to the criteria used to determine the ideal ST reader it may be noted that few conditions are successfully met by the potential ideal TT reader. Indeed, the historical and cultural facts are unlikely to be known in detail along with the specific cultural situations described. Furthermore, despite considering the level of linguistic competence to be roughly equal for the ST and TT reader, certain differences may possibly be noted in response to the use of culturally specific lexis which must be considered when translating.

          Although certain opinions, preferences and prejudices may be instinctively transposed by the TT reader who may liken them to his own experience (in Britain, for example, comparing Algerian and Moroccan immigrants to Indian or Pakistani communities), it must be remembered that these do not match the social situation experience of the ST reader. Therefore, the core social and cultural aspects remain problematic when considering the cultural implications for translation.
           

    4. The Translation Process
    5. It has already been noted that the text in this case is surely intended for "an educated, middle-class readership" and, more specifically, a French one with knowledge of the foreign cultural aspects implied. The problems when translating such a text are therefore not only of a purely lexical character but also of an equally fundamental nature - the understanding of a social, economic, political and cultural context as well as connotative aspects of a more semantic character. As with all texts of foreign literature, historical, political and other such cultural references are always of a certain importance and the TT reader is unlikely to have a full understanding of such notions. When considering the cultural implications for translation, the extent to which it is necessary for the translator to explain or complete such an information gap should be taken into account; on the basis of conclusions reached concerning the ideal TT reader, the translator should decide how much may be left for the reader to simply infer.

      Taking these last points into consideration, different elements will be discussed in relation to their cultural implications for translation. The different aforementioned theories will be considered and their relative pertinence examined.
       

      1. Cultural categories

        Adapting Nida, Newmark places "foreign cultural words" in several categories (Newmark 1988:95-102). Following these categories, in the text "Les Loukoums chez l'Arabe," the examples leading to cultural implications for translation may be classed essentially as material culture, and as gestures and habits although other cultural terms are also present. These aspects may be translated in different ways according to their role in the text and the aims for the TT reader. Newmark also states the relevance of componential analysis in translation "as a flexible but orderly method of bridging the numerous lexical gaps, both linguistic and cultural, between one language and another" (Newmark, 1988:123). The two orientations in translation examined by Nida, namely formal or dynamic equivalence, should also be considered when analysing the cultural implications for translation of elements in these categories.
         

        1. Material culture

          "Food is for many the most sensitive and important expression of national culture; food terms are subject to the widest variety of translation procedures" (Newmark, 1988:97). The terms coming under this category are further complicated due to the "foreign" elements present. One such case is the reference to the brightly coloured pâtisseries tunisiennes (l.17). Translating according to the French idea of pâtisseries would imply using the English "cakes" or "pastries" yet in the context of Tunisian culture this hardly seems appropriate bearing in mind the difference in form of the TL reference. This illustrates the theory developed by Mounin (1963) who underlines the importance of the signification of a lexical item claiming that only if this notion is considered will the translated item fulfil its function correctly. In this case the translation as "sweets" seems to correspond to the idea of the original signification, even if it is a more abstract translation of the French original, and is therefore more appropriate concerning its function in the TT than a translation of formal equivalence.

          Another example of material culture includes an eponym, namely bouteilles de Sidi Brahim (l.42). In France this low-quality, Algerian wine is widely known and is the traditional drink with North African dishes, therefore widely sold in supermarkets as well as this type of small shop. This example can be seen as corresponding to the new ideal reader as described by Coulthard, having different cultural knowledge (Coulthard, 1992:12) as an English-speaking reader would not necessarily know the name of this wine and even less its associations. By using strictly formal equivalence, all meaning would be lost. It would however be possible to neutralise the original term Sidi Brahim by translating as "wine" or else to introduce a form of componential analysis, translating as "cheap, Algerian wine." Sidi Brahim being the area where the wine is produced, it seems appropriate to keep the original term in the TT but it is necessary to add a qualifier, here "wine." In this way, although the cultural implications are not so strong as for an "initiated" French reader, the information is passed on and elucidated by a qualifier. The cultural implications automatically understood by the ST reader, namely the notion of cheap, low-quality wine, are not however conveyed, the emphasis in this context being on the exotic nature of the product as conveyed by Sidi Brahim and not on the low cost.
           

        2. Gestures and habits

          Newmark points out that gestures and habits are "often described in 'non-cultural' language" (Newmark, 1988:103). In this extract many gestures and habits are implied yet not specifically described thus making an entirely communicative translation difficult. Once again, these are cultural references which imply a certain knowledge of the way of life of the North African community in France and of the attitudes towards it.

          North African men, often working in groups, are often caricatured by the French as being crafty. As well as this, the popular French expression "un travail d'Arabe" used to describe work that has been poorly done further explains popular attitudes. Due to linguistic and cultural factors, lower class Algerian and Moroccan men appear overtly servile in French society. All of these factors are inherently present in the text, yet their full cultural significance is difficult to portray without such background knowledge.

          The possible lack of cultural knowledge of the TT reader implies translating in a way so as to clearly convey notions which may otherwise go unnoticed. The proposed translation of "obligeance" as "obsequiousness" may overemphasise the strength of the original ST term yet the mockingly over-servile attitude aimed at being conveyed by the author is respected. When explaining certain principles of dynamic equivalence, Nida states that "the emotional tone must accurately reflect the point of view of the author" (Nida, 1964:139). Newmark's definition of compensation, being "when loss of meaning...in one part of a sentence is compensated in another part" (Newmark, 1988:90) may seem relevant here. By translating in this way, although culturally implicit translation loss is inevitable here, a form of dynamic equivalence through compensation is adopted in order to counterbalance such loss and seems an appropriate way of conveying cultural implications present in the ST.

          The expression d'après le café also needs further explanation. In French society, this would immediately be understood as the time after the small expresso coffee drunk at the end of a meal. As Sapir claims, "no two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality" (Sapir, 1956:69), and even a lexical item seen as having an apparently simple translation (here, café =coffee) may have a considerably different signification. The emphasis given by Nida on a TT having to produce the same response as the original (Nida, 1964) encourages the addition of "mealtime" as does the aforementioned theory developed by Mounin. In this way, the lexical function is transferred as far as possible in the TT as are the ST cultural connotations.
           

      2. Cultural references
      3. Three examples of potentially opaque cultural references for the TT reader may be found in the text. The first of these is "un Berbère à petit beret bleu." The author regrets not finding a typical Berber shopkeeper each time he goes into an Arab shop, a notion full of cultural meaning given the context of French colonisation of Algeria and Arab immigration yet of no great cultural significance for the TT reader. The slightly ironic touch portrayed by the image of a typical Berber man wearing the classic symbol of a Frenchman, namely a blue beret, may not be entirely lost on a TT reader yet without understanding the historical and cultural background the depth of the irony of comic paradox may be lost. It does not however seem appropriate to explore Nida's theory of dynamic equivalence by replacing this image with a TL equivalent as the cultural implications here are extremely specific. The text-type as well as the definition of the ideal TT reader and his motivations may imply preferring the use of transference or formal equivalence despite translation loss concerning cultural implications.

        Secondly, the term "kabyle" must be considered. This is another reference which has strongly attached associations due to the same cultural and historical factors and the meaning is only fully understandable if these associations are known. A literal translation of the text would be "...where even the red piles of coca-cola cans have taken on a small, Kabyle look." An educated French reader would have enough knowledge of Algerian problems to instantly associate Kabylia with a fiercely independent community which has always refused to be influenced culturally, linguistically and politically by the surrounding countries despite great pressure. A communicative approach implies an explanation of this cultural reference and may be obtained by the addition of explanatory adjectives in the TT, thus translating as "...even the red piles of coca-cola cans have taken on that fiercely independent Kabyle look." This potential solution is not a direct translation of the ST, however it enables the TT reader to approach the cultural reference in a more meaningful way, yet again illustrating Nida's concern that a TT should produce the same response as the original.

        Lastly, the term "boétien" needs consideration. Transferring this term using formal equivalence would have little cultural effect on an English-speaking reader and be of no value considering the text-type and the definition of the ideal TT reader. Indeed, Boeotians in Antique periods were considered to be a nation of rough peasants lacking in culture. In French the term béotien maintains this concept and although the adjective could be translated formally as "Boeotian," the true sense would be lacking in the TT. The cultural implications for translation require a full understanding of the notion rather than an emphasis on the original SL reference. In this case an appropriate translation would consider the use of a cultural equivalent and the term "philistine" could be used to represent a similar cultural concept.
         

      4. Lexical feature
      5. As can be frequently found in literary texts, lexical features present cultural implications for translation. One example of lexis in this text which may have a different effect on the ST and the TT reader is the reference "dans la fraîcheur du soir." This would seem welcoming to a ST reader used to hot days where fresh temperatures provide a welcome relief. To a British reader however, this may not produce the pleasurable effect intended by the author and care must be taken to convey the drop in temperature positively. By translating as "in the cool of the evening," the same positive aspect may be maintained on the TT reader as in the SL country.
         

      6. The translation of the title: "Les Loukoums chez l'Arabe'
      7. The title of this extract may also be considered as having cultural implications for translation. Considering the titles of the other chapters in the collection, it may be noted that almost all have cultural connotations and that this is one of the author's aims. According to Newmark, in literary translation "the title should sound attractive, allusive, suggestive ... and should usually bear some relation to the original" (Newmark, 1988:56). This can be seen as relevant here, the aim being to portray culturally bound aspects; thus the title may be seen as conveying aspects of the narrative and deserves further attention.
         

        1. Les Loukoums
        2. Firstly, the word loukoums must be considered. There are basically two possibilities when translating this word, keeping the original term or using the wider known term, Turkish delight, which may however carry a semantic incompatibility with chez l'Arabe. Loukoum is a term that is used in English but probably by a smaller community, those familiar with Oriental customs and countries, particularly Turkey and Greece. It may be misleading to introduce such a term which could be interpreted as an exotic translation using the scale presented by Hervey et al, shown previously.

          On the other hand, a translation where loukoums are referred to as Turkish delight may introduce a widely accepted yet false cultural notion, namely that such a sweet is primarily Turkish and not something equally common to North African culture. In French no other term exists, loukoum is a cultural word that has been transferred as such and French links with North African countries reinforce the notion of loukoums as a cultural feature.

          In English the term loukoums would need an explanation in the context of this text, destined for a wide general readership. The cultural knowledge of the TT does not correspond to the ST reader and it would therefore be difficult to justify the use of loukoum instead of Turkish delight, a word instantly understandable to the ideal TT reader and thus corresponding more to the notion of communicative translation as defined by Hervey et al (1992:31-32) and Newmark (1988:47).
           

        3. Chez l'Arabe
        4. This part of the title has several cultural implications to be considered when translating. Whilst conserving the original aspect of the ST title, a non-French reader would not necessarily react in the same way to the word "l'Arabe." As we have seen with the historical context, the French have obvious reasons to feel cultural implications when dealing with l'Arabe and an average French reader would necessarily have a large range of associations connected to the word, not primarily positive. Here, the word refers not only to the ethnic origin of the shopkeeper but also to the notion "Arab shop," a place which is always open and where almost everything can be found. This notion deserves to be maintained although a culturally bound translation loss is inevitable due to missing background knowledge. To translate the title simply as "Turkish Delight" would minimise the importance of l'Arabe in the SL cultural context and reinforce this loss. This case may be seen to illustrate Nida's aforementioned theory that differences in culture are often a greater problem than differences in language.

          It must also be noted that a qualifier must be added to fully translate chez l'Arabe. Several possibilities may be considered, ranging from "Turkish Delight bought from the Arab," "...sold by the Arab," "...bought at the shop of the Arab," "...from the Arab shop." Considering the lack of background knowledge for the TT reader, the last possibility may be the most appropriate, the idea conveyed by "Arab shop" implying a notion of difference in French/Arab culture. Following Newmark who claims "the additional information a translator may have to add to his version is normally cultural (accounting for difference between SL and TL culture), technical...or linguistic" (Newmark, 1988:91), it may in this case prove useful to explain further this relationship by adding a footnote. An example may be "North Africans have strong colonial ties with France and many have set up local shops open long hours and selling a large variety of goods, both of French and native origins."
           

    6. Conclusion
    7. A variety of different approaches have been examined in relation to the cultural implications for translation. It is necessary to examine these approaches bearing in mind the inevitability of translation loss when the text is, as here, culture bound. Considering the nature of the text and the similarities between the ideal ST and TT reader, an important aspect is to determine how much missing background information should be provided by the translator using these methods. It has been recognised that in order to preserve specific cultural references certain additions need to be brought to the TT. This implies that formal equivalence should not be sought as this is not justified when considering the expectations of the ideal TT reader. At the other end of Nida's scale, complete dynamic equivalence does not seem totally desirable either as cultural elements have been kept in order to preserve the original aim of the text, namely to present one aspect of life in France.

      Thus the cultural implications for translation of this kind of ST do not justify using either of these two extremes and tend to correspond to the definition of communicative translation, attempting to ensure that content and language present in the SL context is fully acceptable and comprehensible to the TL readership. (Newmark,1988).
       
       

      REFERENCES

      Bassnett, S. 1991. Translation Studies. London: Routledge

      Coulthard, M. 1992. "Linguistic Constraints on Translation." In Studies in Translation / Estudos da Traducao, Ilha do Desterro, 28. Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, pp. 9-23.

      Hervey, S., Higgins, I. 1992. Thinking Translation. London: Routledge.

      Lotman, J., Uspensky, B. 1978. "On the Semiotic Mechanism of Culture," New Literary History, pp. 211-32.

      Mounin, G. 1963. Les problèmes théoriques de la traduction. Paris: Gallimard.

      Newmark, P. 1988. A Textbook of Translation. New York: Prentice Hall

      Nida, E. 1964. "Principles of Correspondence." In Venuti, L. The Translation Studies Reader. London: Routledge.

      Sapir, E. 1956. Culture, Language and Personality. Los Angeles: University of California Press.

      Toury, G. 1978, revised 1995. "The Nature and Role of Norms in Translation." In Venuti, L. The Translation Studies Reader. London: Routledge.

      Vermeer, H. 1989. "Skopos and Commission in Translational Activity." In Venuti, L. The Translation Studies Reader. London: Routledge.


     
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